An Address to the Inhabitants of the British Settlements in America, upon Slave-Keeping

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AN ADDRESS, &c.

SO much hath been said upon the subject of Slave-Keeping, that an Apology may be required for this Address. The only one I shall offer is, that the Evil still conti|nues. This may in part be owing to the great attachment we have to our own Interest, and in part, to the subject not being fully exhausted. The design of the following address is to sum up the leading arguments against it, several of which have not been urged by any of those Authors who have written upon it.

Without entering into the History of the facts which relate to the Slave Trade, I shall proceed to combat the principal arguments which are used to support it.

I need hardly say any thing in favour of the Intellects of the Negroes, or of their capaci|ties for virtue and happiness, although these have been supposed, by some, to be inferior to
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those of the inhabitants of Europe. The ac|counts which travellers give us of their ingenu|ity, humanity, and strong attachment to their parents, relations, friends and country, show us that they are equal to the Europeans, when we allow for the diversity of temper and geni|us which is occasioned by climate. We have many well-attested anecdotes of as sublime and disinterested virtue among them as ever adorned a Roman or a Christian character. But we are to distinguish between an Afri|can in his own country, and an African in a state of slavery in America. Slavery is so foreign to the human mind, that the moral faculties, as well as those of the understanding are debased, and rendered torpid by it. All the vices which are charged upon the Negroes in the southern colonies and the West-Indies, such as Idleness, Treachery, Theft, and the like, are the genuine offspring of slavery, and serve as an argument to prove that they were not intended for it.

Nor let it be said, in the present Age, that their black color (as it is commonly called) ei|ther
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subjects them to, or qualifies them for sla|very¶. The vulgar notion of their being de|scended from Cain, who was supposed to have been marked with this color, is too absurd to need a refutation.—Without enquiring into the Cause of this blackness, I shall only add up|on this subject, that so far from being a curse, it subjects the Negroes to no inconveniencies,
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but on the contrary qualifies them for that part of the Globe in which providence has placed them. The ravages of heat, diseases and time, appear less in their faces than in a white one; and when we exclude variety of color from our ideas of Beauty, they may be said to possess e|very thing necessary to constitute it in com|mon with the white people.‡.

It has been urged by the inhabitants of the Sugar Islands and South Carolina, that it would be impossible to carry on the manufactories of Sugar, Rice, and Indigo, without negro slaves. No manufactory can ever be of consequence enough to society to admit the least violation of the Laws of justice or humanity. But I am far from thinking the arguments used in favour of employing Negroes for the cultivation of these articles, should have any Weight.—M. Le Poivre, late envoy from the king of France, to
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the king of Cochin-China, and now intendant of the isles of Bourbon and Mauritius, in his observations upon the manners and arts of the various nations in Africa and Asia, speaking of the culture of sugar in Cochin-China, has the following remarks.—"It is worthy ob|servation too, that the sugar cane is there cul|tivated by freemen, and all the process of pre|paration and refining, the work of free hands. Compare then the price of the Cochin-Chinese production with the same commodity which is cultivated and prepared by the wretched slaves of our European colonies, and judge if, to procure sugar from our colonies, it was ne|cessary to authorize by law the slavery of the unhappy Africans transported to America. § From what I have observed at Cochin-China, I cannot entertain a doubt, but that our West|India colonies, had they been distributed, with|out reservation amongst a free people, would
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have produced double the quantity that is now procured from the labour of the unfortunate negroes."

"What advantage, then, has accrued to Eu|rope, civilized as it is, and thoroughly vers|ed in the laws of nature, and the rights of mankind, by legally authorizing in our colo|nies, the daily outrages against human nature, permitting them to debase man almost below the level of the beasts of the field? These sla|vish laws have proved as opposite to its interest, as they are to its honour, and to the laws of humanity. This remark I have often made."

"Liberty and property form the basis of abundance, and good agriculture: I never ob|served it to flourish where those rights of man|kind were not firmly established. The earth, which multiplies her productious with a kind of profusion, under the hands of the free-born labourer, seems to shrink into barrenness un|der the sweat of the slave. Such is the will of the great Author of our Nature, who has cre|ated man free, and assigned to him the earth, that he might cultivate his possession with the
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sweat of his brow; but still should enjoy his Liberty." Now if the plantations in the isl|ands and the southern colonies were more li|mited, and freemen only employed in working them, the general product would be greater, al|though the profits to individuals would be less,—a circumstance this, which by diminishing o|pulence in a few, would suppress Luxury and Vice, and promote that equal distribution of pro|perty, which appears best calculated to pro|mote the welfare of Society.—* I know it has been said by some, that none but the na|tives of warm climates could undergo the
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`excessive heat and labor of the West-India isl|ands. But this argument is founded upon an error; for the reverse of this is true. I have been informed by good authority, that one Eu|ropean who escapes the first or second year, will do twice the work, and live twice the num|ber of years that an ordinary Negro man will do nor need we be surpriz'd at this, when we hear that such is the natural fertility of soil, and so numerous the spontaneous fruits of the earth in the interior parts of Africa, that the natives live in plenty at the expence of little or no labor, which, in warm climates, has ever been found to be incompatible with long life and happiness. Future ages, therefore, when they read the accounts of the Slave Trade (—if they do not regard them as fabulous) — will be at a loss which to condemn most, our folly or our Guilt, in abetting this direct vio|lation of the Laws of nature and Religion.

But there are some who have gone so far as to say that Slavery is not repugnant to the Ge|nius of Christianity, and that it is not forbid|den in any part of the Scripture. Natural
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and Revealed Religion always speak the same things, although the latter delivers its precepts with a louder and more distinct voice than the former. If it could be proved that no testimo|ny was to be found in the Bible against a prac|tice so pregnant with evils of the most destruc|tive tendency to society, it would be sufficient to overthrow its divine Original. We read it is true of Abraham's having slaves born in his house; and we have reason to believe, that part of the riches of the patriarchs consisted in them; but we can no more infer the lawfulness of the practice, from the short account which the Jewish historian gives us of these facts, than we can vindicate telling a lie, because Rahab is not condemned for it in the account which is given of her deceiving the king of Jericho. ¶ We read that some of the same men indulged themselves in a plurality of wives, with|out any strictures being made upon their con|duct for it; and yet no one will pretend to say, that this is not forbidden in many parts of the
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Old Testament*. But we are told the Jews kept the Heathens in perpetual bondage ‡. The De|sign of providence in permitting this evil, was probably to prevent the Jews from marrying a|mongst strangers, to which their intercourse with them upon any other footing than that of slaves, would naturally have inclined them ‖. Had this taken place—their national religion would have been corrupted—they would have con|tracted all their vices †, and the intention of Providence in keeping them a distant people, in order to accomplish the promise made to Abra|ham, that "in his seed all the nations of the earth should be blessed," would have been de|feated;
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so that the descent of the Messiah from Abraham, could not have been traced, and the divine commission of the Son of God, would have wanted one of its most powerful argument• to support 〈◊〉. But with regard to their own countrymen, it is plain, perpetual slavery was not tolerated. Hence, at the end of seven years or in the year of the jubilee, all the Hebrew slaves were set at liberty †, and it was held un|lawful to detain them in servitude longer than that time, except by their own Consent. ‡ But if, in the partial Revelation which God
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made, of his will to the Jews, we find such testimonies against slavery, what may we not expect from the Gospel, the Design of which was to abolish all distinctions of name and coun|ty. While the Jews thought they complied with the precepts of the law, in confining the love of their neighbour "to the children of their own people," Christ commands us to look up|on all mankind even our Enemies § as our neighbours and brethren, and "in all things, to do unto them whatever we would wish they should do unto us." He tells us further that his "Kingdom is not of this World," and therefore constantly avoids saying any thing that might interfere directly with the Roman or Jewish Governments: and although he does not call upon masters to emancipate their slaves, or slaves to assert that Liberty wherewith God and Nature had made them free, yet there is scarcely a parable or a sermon in the whole his|tory of his life, but what contains the strongest arguments against Slavery. Every prohibition
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of Covetousness—Intemperance—Pride—Un|cleanness—Theft—and Murder, which he de|livered,—every lesson of meekness, humility, forbearance, Charity, Self-denial, and brother|ly-love, which he taught, are levelled against this evil;—for Slavery, while it includes all the former Vices, necessarily excludes the prac|tice of all the latter Virtues, both from the Master and the Slave.—Let such, therefore, who vindicate the traffic of buying and selling; Souls, seek some modern System of Religion to support it, and not presume to sanctify their crimes by attempting to reconcile it to the sub|lime and perfect Religion of the Great Author of Christianity.*

Page 14There are some amongst us who cannot help allowing the force of our last argument, but plead as a motive for importing and keeping slaves, that they become acquainted with the principles of the religion of our country.—This is like justifying a highway robbery because part
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of the money acquired in this manner was ap|propriated to some religious use.—Christianity will never be propagated by any other methods than those employed by Christ and his Apostles. Slavery is an engine as little fitted for that pur|pose as Fire or the Sword. A Christian Slave is a contradiction in terms. § But if we enquire into the methods employed for converting the Negroes to Christianity, we shall find the means suited to the end proposed. In many places Sunday is appropriated to work for themselves, reading and writing are discouraged among them. A belief is even inculcated amongst some, that they have no Souls. In a word,—Every attempt to instruct or convert them, has
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been constantly opposed by their masters. Nor has the example of their christian masters any tendency to prejudice them in favor of our reli|gion. How often do they betray, in their sud|den transports of anger and resentment, (againsst which there is no restraint provided towards their Negroes) the most violent degrees of pas|sion and fury!—What luxury—what ingrati|tude to the supreme being—what impiety in their ordinary conversation do some of them discover in the presence of their slaves! I say nothing of the dissolution of marriage vows, or the entire abolition of matrimony, which the frequent sale of them introduces, and which are directly contrary to the laws of nature and the principles of christianity. Would to Heaven I could here conceal the shocking violations of chastity, which some of them are obliged to un|dergo without daring to complain. Husbands have been forced to prostitute their wives, and mothers their daughters to gratify the bru|tal lust of a master. This—all—this is prac|tised—Blush—ye impure and hardened wretches, while I repeat it—by men who call themselves christians!

Page 17But further—It has been said that we do a kindness to the Negroes by bringing them to America, as we thereby save their lives, which had been forfeited by their being conquered in war*. Let such as prefer or inflict slavery ra|ther than Death, disown their being descended from or connected with our mother countries.—But it will be found upon enquiry, that many are stolen or seduced from their friends who have never been conquered; and it is plain, from the testimony of historians and travellers,
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that wars were uncommon among them, until the christians who began the slave trades stirred up the different nations to fight against each other. Sooner let them imbrue their hands in each others blood, or condemn one another to perpetual slavery, than the name of one christi|an, or one American, be stained by the perpe|tration of such enormous crimes.

Nor let it be urged that by treating slaves well, we render their situation happier in this Country, than it was in their own.—Slavery and Vice are connected together, and the latter is always a source of misery. Besides, by the greatest humanity we can show them, we only lessen, but do not remove the crime, for the injustice of it continues the same. The laws of retribution are so strongly inculcated by the moral governor of the world, that even the ox is entitled to his reward for "treading the Corn." How great then must be the amount of that injustice, which deprives so many of our fellow creatures of the Just reward of their 〈◊〉.

But it will be asked here, What steps shall we take to remedy this Evil, and what shall
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we do with those Slaves we have already in this Country? This is indeed a most diffi|cult question.' But let every man contrive to answer it for himself. —

The first thing I would recommend to put a stop to slavery in this country, is to leave off im|porting slaves. For this purpose let our assem|blies unite in petitioning the king and parlia|ment to dissolve the African committee of merchants: It is by them that the trade is chiefly carried on to America. We have the more reason to expect relief from an application at this juncture, as by a late decision in favor of a Virginia slave in Westminster-Hall, the Cla|mors of the whole nation are raised against them. Let such of our countrymen as engage in the slave trade, be shunned as the greatest enemies to our country, and let the vessels which bring the slaves to us, be avoided as if they bore in them the Seeds of that forbidden fruit, whose baneful taste destroyed both the natural and moral world.— As for the Ne|groes among us, who, from having acquired all the low vices of slavery, or who from age or
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infirmities are unfit to be set at liberty, I would propose, for the good of society, that they should continue the property of those with whom they grew old, or from whom they contracted those vices and infirmities. But let the young Negroes be educated in the principles of virtue and religion—let them be taught to read, and write—and afterwards instructed in some business, whereby they may be able to maintain themselves. Let laws be made to limit the time of their servitude, and to entitle them to all the privileges of free-born British subjects. At any rate let Retribution be to done God and to Society *

Page 21And now my countrymen, What shall I add more to rouse up your Indignation against Slave|keeping. Consider the many complicated crimes it involves in it. Think of the bloody Wars which are fomented by it, among the African nations, or if these are too common to affect you,
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think of the pangs which attend the dissolution of the ties of nature in those who are stolen from their relations. Think of the many thousands who perish by sickness, melancholy, and suicide, in their voyages to America. Pursue the poor devoted victims to one of the West India islands, and see them exposed there to public sale. Hear their cries, and see their looks of tenderness at each other, upon being seperated.—Mothers are torn from their Daughters, and Brothers from Brothers, without the liberty of a parting em|brace. Their master's name is now marked up|on their breasts with a red hot iron. But let us pursue them into a Sugar Field: and behold a scene still more affecting than this—See! the poor wretches with what reluctance they take their instruments of labor into their hands,—Some of them, overcome with heat and sick|ness, seek to refresh themselves by a little rest.—But, behold an Overseer approaches them—In vain they sue for pity.—He lifts up his Whip, while streams of Blood follow every stroke. Neither age nor sex are spared.—Me|thinks one of them is woman far advanced in her pregnancy.—At a little distance from these
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behold a man, who from his countenance and deportment appears as if he was descended from illustrious ancestors—Yes—He is the son of a Prince, and was torn by a stratagem, from an amiable wife and two young children.—Mark his sullen looks!—now he bids defiance to the tyranny of his Master, and in an instant—plunges a Knife into his Heart.—But let us re|turn from this Scene, and see the various modes of arbitrary punishments inflicted upon them by their masters. Behold one covered with stripes, into which melted wax is poured—another tied down to a block or a stake—a third suspended in the air by his thumbs—a fourth—I can|not relate it.—Where now is Law or Justice?—Let us fly to them to step in for their relief.—Alas!—The one is silent, and the other denounces more terrible, punishments upon them. Let us attend the place appointed for inflicting the penalties of the law. See here one without a limb, whose only crime was an attempt to regain his Liberty.—another led to a Gallows for stealing a mor|sel of Bread, to which his labor gave him a bet|ter
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title than his master—a third famishing on a gibbet—a fourth, in a flame of Fire! his shrieks pierce the very heavens.—O! God! where is thy Vengeance!—O! Humanity—Justice—Liberty—Religion!—Where,—where are ye fled.—

This is no exaggerated Picture. It is taken from real Life.—Before I conclude I shall take the liberty of addressing several Classes of my countrymen in behalf of our Brethren (for by that name may we now call them) who are in a state of Slavery amongst us.

In the first place let MAGISTRATES both su|preme and inferior, exert the authority they are invested with, in suppressing this evil. Let them discountenance it by their example, and show a readiness to concur in every measure proposed to remedy it.

Let LEGISLATORS, reflect upon the trust re|posed in them. Let their laws be made after the Spirit of Religion—Liberty—and our most excellent English Constitution. You cannot show your attachment to your King, or your love to your country better, than by suppressing an evil which endangers the dominions of the
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former, and will in Time destroy the liberty of the latter. * Population, and the accession of strangers, in which the Riches of all coun|tries consist, can only flourish in proportion as slavery is discouraged. Extend the privileges we enjoy, to every human creature born amongst us, and let not the Journals of our Assemblies be disgraced with the records of laws, which allow exclusive privileges to men of one color in preference to another. ¶

Ye men of SENSE and VIRTUE—Ye ADVOCATES
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for American Liberty, rouse up and espouse; the cause of Humanity and general Li|berty. Bear a testimony against a vice which de|grades human nature, and dissolves that univer|sal tie of benevolence which should connect all the children of men together in one great Fa|mily.—The plant of liberty is of so tender a Nature, that it cannot thrive long in the neigh|bourhood of slavery. Remember the eyes of all Europe are fixed upon you, to preserve an a|sylum for freedom in this country, after the last pillars of it are fallen in every other quarter of the Globe.

But chiefly—ye MINISTERS OF THE GOS|PEL, whose dominion over the principles and actions of men is so universally acknowledged and felt,—Ye who estimate the worth of your fellow creatures by their Immortality, and there|fore must look upon all mankind as equal,—let your zeal keep pace with your opportunities to put a stop to slavery. While you enforce the duties of "tithe and cummin," neglect not the weightier laws of justice and humanity. Slavery is an Hydra sin, and includes in it every violation of the precepts of the Law and the
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Gospel. In vain will you command your flocks to offer up the incence of Faith and Charity, while they continue to mingle the Sweat and blood of Negro slaves with their sacrifices.—If the Blood of Able cried aloud for vengeance;—If, under the Jewish dispensation, Cities of refuge could not screen the deliberate murderer—if even manslaughter required sacrifices to expiate it,—and if a single murder so seldom escapes with impunity in any civilized country, what may you not say against that trade, or those manufactures—or Laws, § which destroy the lives of so many thousands of our fellow creatures every year?—If in the Old Testa|ment "God swears by his holiness, and by the excellency of Jacob, that the Earth shall trem|ble and every one mourn that dwelleth therein
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for the iniquity of those who oppress the poor and crush the needy," who buy the poor with silver, and the needy with a pair of shoes,‖ what judgments may you not denounce upon those who continue to perpetrate these crimes, after the more full discovery which God has made of the law of Equity in the New-Testa|ment. Put them in mind of the Rod which was held over them a few years ago in the Stamp, and Revenue Acts. Remember that national crimes require national punishments, and with|out declaring what punishment awaits this evil, you may venture to assure them, that it cannot pass with impunity, unless God shall cease to be just or merciful.
THE END.